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the founder of a Estado Novo - António de Salazar). Second, supporters of the preservation of ethnic and racial identity (who saw liberalism and communism as a threat to the existence of European Nations) and radical futurists, who considered democracy a brake on scientific and technological development. Despite the differences between all of these groups saw "fascism" prospects for the realization of their ideals and way of achieving power. After some time to characterize the new ideological movement, Benito Mussolini used the term "fascism". Benito Mussolini built a very interesting system of power. The scientists are still faced with the difficulties of the definition of fascist regimes.

During the Interbellum period fascism is experiencing a phase of avalanche-like growth, covering many countries of Western Europe. The main part of the social base of fascist parties, first of all, was the petty bourgeoisie and the lumpen proletariat. A significant part of the veterans of the First world war, which became the Foundation for the combat cells. It is also of great interest to conservative intellectuals, from philosophers to economists, who saw fascism as a vaccine against a greater threat, in the face of communism. Some researchers called the history of Europe in the 20s and 30s as "the era of fascism" [1, p. 37].

The image of the fascia of the first fascists were elected not by chance. The proverb that says that one rod is easy to break, and many are not, and became an example of an ideal fascist society and an allegory for the brotherhood of war. In the view of fascist theorists, different social classes should act as a United front for the sake of achieving the result.

Actually, the ideas of radical criticism of modern society and the apology of traditional society have a long history (it is enough to recall at least classical traditionalism), but fascism has become a new step in the development of this direction of thought.

Fascism is represented by various political analysts who have inherited a deep distrust of" progress " as a socio-political ideology (which is not identical to the objective process of scientific and technological development). It recognizes that the dominant socio-political order, which "developed" exclusively under the domination of "progressive" ideology, is completely devoid of moral justification. This is a model of progressive disease.

The desire to return something is already "reactionary", but only a combination of criticism of "progress" with the realization that its simple abolition is impossible, generates a new worldview. In this respect fascism is a special discovery in the field of political philosophy.

Thus, we see that fascism is defined by its representatives and intellectual avant-garde as "a reaction directed to the future". They are confident that the end of the modern era will not be a further development, but a revival of the "natural order". Or, in other words, the revival of traditional society.

The problem with fascism is that there is no prophet (as in communism) or group of prophets (as in liberalism) at its origins. And this makes it very difficult to diagnose and determine where we have fascism, and where just right-wing conservative regime, advocating for traditional values and a strong national state. The underlying text, which theoretically explains what this ideology is and how to prepare it, is a relatively small article by Benito Mussolini and his court philosopher Giovanni Gentile entitled the Doctrine of fascism, published in 1929 in The Italian encyclopedia of science, literature and the arts. Although the Fascists became the Supreme power in Italy in 1922, completely crushing the resistance of the left and liberal parties to only 1926.

So this work is a literal embodiment of the saying "good thinking comes afterward" and is intended to legitimize the situation already existing in the country. Not ideas led fascists to power, and the total chaos that engulfed the country after the First world war. And the great depression only tightened the regime, forcing the government to subjugate the economy and make an attempt to penetrate into the head of every Italian.

At the heart of the philosophy of Nazism and Fascism are the ideas of famous thinkers of the XIX-XX centuries. for Example, the doctrine of the spirit of Hegel received a kind of interpretation, according to which the Germans are a special nation, in comparison with the rest. Hegel's etatism also impressed the national socialists.

The basis of the fascist ideology was the work of G. F. Hegel, who wrote a philosophical system suitable for the legitimization of any state and regime. First, he said that history is the process of bringing humanity closer to the absolute (God) by creating ever more perfect embodiments of the ideas inherent in the Absolute. So he gave the story meaning and purpose.

Further, the German philosopher suggested that individuals are in captivity of their selfish interests. Therefore, the absolute realizes itself through the formation of States, which are the embodiment of impersonal truth. Each state triumphs as long as it bears the light of the divine idea, and fails at the appearance of its better embodiment. According to him, the State is the actually existing, realized moral life. [4]"

Hegel himself believed that the absolute organizes the movement of history towards the Kingdom of freedom. Another thing is that he thought of freedom as subordination to the laws adopted by the state. Because

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only the state is able to realize the truth. And the most free state he considered wildly bureaucratic and authoritarian Prussian Kingdom.

In General, German philosophy is a very important center of the development of Nazism. The ideas of A. Schopenhauer and F. Nietzsche very often appeared in Nazi rhetoric and were expressed in the justification of racial theory. Of course, in favorable interpretations for achieving political goals.

Therefore, if you did not understand the meaning of the phrase "freedom is a conscious necessity [5]", now much should be clarified. Laws are necessary: to obey the law, you become free. Prussia quickly appreciated this remarkable system and caressed its author. Later his philosophical system was radically altered by Feuerbach and Karl Marx. Instead of the absolute, they put man and reported that the historical process is the process of overcoming the alienation of man from himself, the final point of which is communism, allowing to fully realize human capabilities. The Hegelians would stop there, but this philosophical system is too good to justify anything, and it would be a sin not to use it to correct one's financial situation.

Very quickly, such ideas began to support many young intellectuals, mainly from the technological sphere. After the Italian fascists were joined by the philosopher Giovanni Gentile, the movement received solid theoretical support. Often the key ideologist of Italian fascism is called directly Benito Mussolini. However, the role of the philosophical mouthpiece rather served as a close ally of the Duce and Hegelian-Giovanni Gentile. His pen belongs to the development of objective idealism to the metaphysical justification of the state as the highest stage of perfection of the spirit.

The fact is that "Duce" Benito Mussolini was, despite his personal charisma and the ability of the publicist, rather a propagandist than a political theorist. Giovanni Gentile, in turn, was a philosopher with a recognized academic status and at the same time one of the few representatives of modern philosophy, which both friends and opponents recognized not just a specialist in a particular narrow field of knowledge, and a philosopher in the full, the broadest sense of the word. So, Gentile gave the ideas of fascism a fundamental justification and the necessary depth. It was he who created the "Doctrine of fascism" published after coming to power.

Thus he wanted to emphasize two points: first, to oppose the new movement "Enlightenment" XVIII century (which gave rise to all modern destructive left and liberal ideas), and secondly, to emphasize that the Nazis are based in their arguments on rational arguments, knowledge and intellectual superiority.

In the interwar period, the ideas of fascism captured many educated and successful people, including famous ones. For example, the cult of artists, one of the founders of the movement of futurists, Tomaso Marinetti openly recognized himself as a fascist. He not only supported The "national Fascist party", but also became one of its ideologists. A supporter of technological "progress", he rejects the so-called " social progress and protects the structure of traditional society. More than an iconic figure for fascist Italy.

The main ideas for them are: social hierarchies, modeled on the one that existed in traditional societies, for example in Europe before the "French revolution"; recognition of some social institutions and practices unchanged, for their rootedness in human nature as such; commitment to a dynastic monarchy, which they consider the optimal form of government; the idea of" biodiversity " of humanity is the recognition of the naturalness and eternity of differences between different groups of people; the idea of incompatibility between freedom and democracy (the latter, according to the Nazis, inevitably leads to the suppression of the individual, especially outstanding). Here it is impossible not to quote the fascist dictator of Portugal Antonio di Salazar: "I do not believe in equality, I believe in hierarchy."

The theorists of fascism were convinced that democracy was focused on the short term "from elections to elections", while totalitarian regimes were oriented to generations ahead and capable of fundamental breakthroughs in the long term. According to the beliefs of theorists, set out in the Doctrine of fascism, success is based on the Foundation of a totalitarian state - a complex system of control of the ruling regime over the mass culture, life and spiritual life of the whole society. Because of the ability to control perceptions of what is good and what is bad (in the broad sense of the word), the state cements the foundations of the existing regime.

But let's go back to the creation of Gentile and Mussolini. In their "doctrine of fascism" they proclaimed that the key concept defining fascism is the state, the very fact of its existence, which forms man and his ethical ideas. The fascists rejected liberal democracy because it expresses not the aggregate will of society, but only a separate, if greater, part of it. They also rejected the individualism: the person in itself and for itself, cannot exist. Only in communication with others is he revealed as a person. For fascists the individual is not deprived of freedom in the state. In fact, he has greater liberty than an isolated man, because the state protects him and he is part of the State [6].

And here we should take the next step to fully appreciate the scale of the marriage between fascism and Hegelian, as well as to show the gap separating fascism from Nazism. If the German tradition was dominated

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by the rhetoric of blood and soil, proclaiming the inequality of people at the biological level, and almost separating them into different species, then fascism, in this respect, was much more flexible.

Fascist doctrine explicitly said that the state creates a nation from a community of disparate people. And then, perhaps, we should give the word directly to the Mussolini itself: «For us the Nation is mainly spirit and not only territory. There are States which owned immense territories and yet left no trace in the history of mankind. Neither is it a question of number, because there have been, in history, small, microscopic States, which left immortal, imperishable documents in art and philosophy. The greatness of a nation is the compound of all these virtues and conditions. A nation is great when the power of the spirit is translated into reality [7]»

The state, as a universal ethical will, is the Creator of law. A nation in the form of a state is an ethical reality, existing and living as it develops. A halt in development is death. Therefore, the state is not only a ruling power that gives individual wills the form of law and creates the value of spiritual life; it is also a force that carries out its will externally and makes it recognize and respect itself, that is, in fact, proving its universality in all necessary manifestations of its development.

Hence-the organization and expansion, at least in the possibility. Thus, the will of the state is balanced by nature with a human will, not knowing in their development of limits and proving their own implementation of infinity".

Thus, following in Hegel's footsteps, the fascists brought his concept to its logical conclusion. The state is everything, and man is its derivative, devoid of any purpose and meaning outside of its existence. It looks pretty creepy, but the construction of death camps from this approach should not. Even more, the state seized the new territory, had to impose it on the inhabitants of his vision of truth, and not to kill them.

The starting point determining the dialectic of Nazi ideology is the so-called racial theory. Its essence lies in the fact that the Aryan race, which is represented by the Germans, is the most progressive among others. The achievements of world history and all human civilization are mainly due to the Aryans. Of course, the Aryans differ from other races more developed intellectual and physical capabilities, as well as the presence of a special mentality. These factors determine the importance of the Aryans in world culture, as well as some hostile forces in the face of Jews, Communists, etc etc pushed the Germans from the position of their rights and benefits, then you need to find them again. For the happiness of the people is all good.

The Creator of race theory was the Frenchman Joseph Gobineau. A mixture of races, from the standpoint of Gobineau, leads to the degradation of, — here comes the Nazi "racial hygiene" and installation on the genocide of "untermensch". Racial theory formed the basis of Aryan geopolitics (F. Ratzel, K. Haushofer) — a set of pseudoscientific ideas, according to which the people (German) should expand their "living space" at the expense of others, capturing the colony. The right to these seizures was" justified " by social Darwinism, which explains the life of society in terms of the biological laws of natural selection. "Struggle for survival" and "natural selection" - theses from the evolutionary theory of Charles Darwin, taken as the basis of the national policy of the Third Reich.

According to the logic of Aryan militarism, in a hostile environment, which was Europe 1920-1930-ies, for their existence to fight, respectively, the strongest-survives, and the weak-dies. Military sentiments spurred the creativity of the so-called right-wing philosophers, the most famous of which is O. Spengler. In his famous work "the Decline of Europe" he criticizes the political systems of modern countries, and gets democracy as an obsolete system. Similar assessments are found in the assessment of the political situation in Europe by the Nazis.

The continuous and necessary struggle, and the liberation of the Aryans, supposedly sponsor some higher power. Hitler in his book uses such concepts as "Supreme will", "historical inevitability" and the like. He always mentions about some other forces who are masters of humanity. Thus, it gives us reason to believe that the philosophy of Nazism has a penchant for idealism. Hitler, as perhaps the chief theorist of Nazism, recognizes the existence of a non-indifferent absolute that can influence the course of the historical process. The Nazi leader gives this absolute certain qualitative characteristics and concepts of justice, social importance and the like. History is also in a sense independent and endowed with human properties.

Such an understanding of the" higher "principle is significantly at odds with Christian ideas about the"beyond." Recall that Hitler called himself a Christian and never renounced this doctrine. The difference is that Christian ethics makes a person secondary to God and he is only a novice to his will. In Hitler's interpretation, a person is not obliged to accept the will as a given, but can resist it in the name of achieving the benefits for his people. Thus, a person ceases to be an indifferent observer, but becomes an actor of history. Accordingly, a person feels his involvement with stronger supra-personal phenomena.

In order to better understand what is the philosophy of Nazism, it is necessary to present its structure. In summary, I propose to identify several unifying groups, which include the most important thinkers and ideas.

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1.German philosophy of XIX - the first quarter of the twentieth centuries (Hegel, A. Schopenhauer, F. Nietzsche, O. Spengler, E. Jünger, Moeller van der Bruck, etc.)

2.Pseudorationalism (eugenics, evolutionism)

3.Mysticism (ariosophy, synthesis of Christianity and paganism, occult practices and symbols)

The first group significantly influenced the development of the philosophy of Nazism, but the influence of these thinkers is inherently fragmentary, that is, for example, the idea of "Superman" Nietzsche very actively featured in Nazi propaganda, but his other developments were of little interest, because they did not meet the given ideological course. We see the same picture with other philosophers.

The second group we call "pseudo-nationalism". From the standpoint of the natural science of the time, teachings such as eugenics could still exist. The same racial theory had many authoritative supporters. Social Darwinism and behaviorism had a strong influence. Ie anti-humanist policy could be explained rationally and scientifically. From the standpoint of today's biology it is absolutely incorrect to talk about "higher" and "lower" races, but in the 1920s 1940-ies radical racism could still be rationalized and it did not look absurd.

The third group combines ariosophy (armanism), occultism, paganism and Christianity. Nazism is a doctrine with orientation and this-worldly. In it man is considered in his immanent relation to the Supreme law, to the objective Will, which exceeds the individual, making him a conscious participant in spiritual communication. Accordingly, various religious beliefs and practices became widely used in the Third Reich, and this, in turn, was closely intertwined with Christianity.

In conclusion, it should be said that whatever the idea of an individual philosopher or trend as a whole does not interest the Nazis, in any case, it became Pan-German. In turn, the pan-Germanism of individual thinkers also allowed the philosophy of Nazism to grow stronger and develop. A huge role in the conceptualization of Nazism was played by various closed societies, which synthesized and promoted philosophical ideas, transferring them to German society.

The philosophy of Nazism is a very interesting phenomenon, in terms of how primitive stereotypes and advanced scientific theories of their time were combined. It is the combination of the incompatible that makes Nazism a unique and difficult to explain rational logic.

1.Nolte, Ernst (1965). The Three Faces of Fascism. London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson.

2.Шанталь Мийон-Дельсон. Политические идеи XX века. М.: Конкорд. 225 с.

3.George Orwell: ‘What is Fascism?’ First published: Tribune. — GB, London. — 1944.

4.Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel. Lectures on the History of History Vol 1 p. 40-41 John Sibree translation (1857), 1914

5.Marx and Engels 1956–1990: 25, 828; Marx 1991: 958–959

6.E. Ludwig, Talks with Mussolini, London, Allen and Unwin, 1932, p. 129.

7.Speech before the National Council of the Fascist Party, August 8, 1924, in La Nuova Politica dell'Italia, vol. III; Milano, Alpes, 1928, p. 269

THEORETICAL UNDERSTANDING OF THE DIASPORA PHENOMENON

Baimoldina A.A.

2nd year Master’s student of Kazakh Nattional University named after al-Farabi

Scientific supervisor: Sultangalieva G.S.

A characteristic feature of the globalizing world is the strengthening of migration processes. Globalization makes the "national dividers" more transparent, and therefore millions of people in search of a better life leave their homeland and rush to other countries. Over the past 50 years, the number of international migrants has almost tripled. While in 1960 there were 75.5 million people living outside their country of birth worldwide, in 2000, there were 176.6 million, and at the end of 2009, there were 213.9 million and has continued to grow rapidly in recent years, reaching 258 million in 2017. (International Migration Report 2017 , 2017) According to UN experts, currently every 35th inhabitant of the globe is an international migrant, and in developed countries-every tenth (Trends in International Migrant Stock: The 2017 Revision, 2017)

The sharp increase in migration is parallel to the consolidation of immigrant ethnic communities. Once in a new place, immigrants tend to seek to unite to not only survive, but also to preserve their customs, traditions, language in an alien to them, often very hostile ethno-cultural environment. To this end, they either join existing Diasporas or create new ones. As a result, the number of Diasporas in the world is constantly increasing.

Attention of researchers in the Diaspora became involved only at the end of 1970-ies. It was then that a number of works (mainly by American scientists) appeared, which served as a starting point for further studies

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of a wide range of problems caused by Diaspora. But the truly broad scope of the Diaspora theme was only in the 1990s, when diasporas began to acquire the features of transnational communities. As noted by a wellknown expert on ethnic issues, Professor of the University of California R. Brubaker, if in the 1970s the word "Diaspora" or similar words appeared in dissertations as keywords only once or twice a year, in the 1980s–13 times, in 2001 - 130 times already. Interest in this subject is not limited to the academic sphere, but also extends to the paper and electronic media (Google's search engine, for example, currently contains more than a million references to the word "Diaspora") (Brubaker, 2005).

A great contribution to the theoretical understanding of the Diaspora phenomenon was made by such Western researchers as J. Armstrong, R.Brubaker, M. Dabag, J. Clifford, W. Conner, R. Cohen, W. Safran, G. Scheffer, M. Esman and others.

In fact, it is very important not to confuse the concept of "Diaspora" and "Irredenta". The term "Irredenta or unconnected nations" in the modern international political science involve ethnic minorities inhabiting the territory adjacent to the state dominated by their compatriots. Outside their country unconnected nations (as opposed to diasporas, which are created by migration of ethnic groups to other countries that are not their historical homeland) have been the result of wars, annexations, disputed borders or a complex of colonial models. (Esman, 1990) This category of population was known by historians of the XIX century and is considered as "the product of the doctrine proclaiming the right of every people who consider themselves to be a "nation" to establish national self-determination in the form of state independence". (Cobban, 1969)

Diasporas, whose importance in the life of modern humanity has increased significantly in comparison with past eras and continues to grow, is a kind of global experiment in the survival of ethno-cultural formations, preserving their identity in conditions of intensive change and diversification of the socio-cultural environment. Also, it’s one of the six categories of ethnic politics and characterizes an ethnic minority group that has moved, lives and operates in its host country, but has strong sentimental and material ties to its country of origin. (Sheffer, 1986)

The Diaspora is created by migrations, which, in turn, depend on the historical events that gave rise to, formed and developed it. Since the Diaspora is a product of migration, it is necessary to analyze and classify them.

In Western political science, the theory of migration is divided into three groups: classical, conflict, and system. They are divided by the nature of the decision to leave the migrant: a) real, by comparing income and expenditure (classical theory); b) forced, under economic and political pressure (conflict); c) multi-cause with relative stress (system). (Global Trends in Migration: Theory and Reserch on International Population Movements. , 1983)

Population migration is the movement of people who change their place of residence irrevocably (i.e. with a long change of permanent residence) or temporarily (resettlement for a sufficiently long but limited period), defined as: emigration and immigration.

The Kazakh Diaspora was created by long-distance migrations, which had a temporary, then passed into a permanent continuity; with the crossing of external borders, first, from Kazakhstan to China, the States of Central Asia, Afghanistan and Iran, and then further around the world. Since the 1960s, the Kazakh Diaspora has been migrating from rural areas to the cities of the country of residence, due to changes in their socioeconomic and professional orientation.

The Kazakh Diaspora throughout its history had a forced or forced nature of migration, due to political and religious reasons, until the 1960s, when labor immigration began to develop in the countries of Western Europe, America and the Persian Gulf region, which did not radically change the forced nature of migration to voluntary, but was a consequence of economic reasons, in contrast to the above. In addition, until the early 1960s. migration of Kazakhs in the countries of the world was characterized by mass, and in the modern period, individual movement with the practice of calling their families to the recipient country is more characteristic.

One of the important theoretical questions on the problem of conceptual and categorical phenomenon of the Kazakh Diaspora is its classification or typology. In modern world social science there are several variants of Diaspora typology, which should be discussed in more detail.

Professor of the University of Wisconsin (USA) George J.Armstrong suggested the typology of the Diasporas in 1976 based on the nature of their interaction with the multi-ethnic state in which they have settled. He identifies two types of diasporas: "mobilized" and "proletarian". "Mobilized" diasporas have a long and complicated history, they have been formed for centuries. These diasporas have the capacity for social adaptation and are therefore deeply rooted in their host societies. As stressed by John Armstrong, " although these diasporas are not superior to other ethnic groups of multi-ethnic States in terms of their position in society, they still have a number of material and cultural advantages over them." To the category of "mobilized"

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Diasporas J. Armstrong refers primarily to the Jewish Diaspora (he calls it archetypal, i.e. true, original Diaspora) and the Armenian Diaspora.

"Proletarian" diasporas are young, newly emerged ethnic communities. John Armstrong considers them "an unfortunate product of modern politics" (Armstrong, 1976). Proletarian Diaspora creates labor migration from agricultural areas of developing and middle-developed countries to Western highly developed countries. Proletarian diasporas include Turks and Yugoslavs in Germany and Sweden, Algerians and Moroccans in France and others. As labour migrants, these segments of the population cannot influence the policies of the government that has adopted them.

In 1993 G. Schaeffer identified the following types of diasporas: diasporas with deep historical roots (this includes Armenian, Jewish and Chinese); "dormant" diasporas (Americans in Europe and Asia and Scandinavians in the USA); "young" diasporas (they are formed by Greeks, poles and Turks); "nascent", that is, are only in the initial stage of its formation (they are just beginning to form the Koreans, Filipinos and Russians in the former Soviet republics); "homeless", that is not having" their " state (in this category fall Diaspora Kurds, Palestinians and Roma); "ethnonational" is the most common type of diasporas. Their characteristic feature is that they feel behind the invisible presence of "their" state; Diaspora "scattered" and the Diaspora, living compactly. Prof. G.M.Mendikulova criticized this classification as it doesn’t identify characters and reasons of migration that created Diasporas in living country. (Mendikulova, 1997)

British sociologist, Professor at the University of Warwick R. Cohen identifies four types of diasporas: Diaspora-victims (Jewish, African, Armenian, Palestinian), labor Diaspora (Indian), trade (Chinese) and Imperial (British, French, Spanish, Portuguese) and cultural (Cohen, 2008). However, he shows that only one type of diaspora is suitable for one nation, like English – only imperial, Indian – only trade, so it could lead to some disagreements.

In recent years, scientists involved in the study of problems associated with the Diaspora processes, are increasingly talking about "blurring the usual ideas about the Diaspora" and the emergence of modern diasporas qualitatively new features – transnational. As noted by doctor of political Sciences A. S. Kim, the modern diasporas are a "particular social group whose identity is not determined by any particular territorial formation; their distribution suggests that the phenomenon of disposal waste have acquired a transnational character" (Kim, 2009).

When considering the problem of Diaspora, according to Kim A.S., two important factors should be taken into account:

1.Socio-economic and political cataclysms lead to the emergence of quite a number of groups interested in resettlement to other foreign cultural and ethnic territories: refugees, internally displaced persons, persons seeking temporary or political asylum, flows of post-colonial migrants. In fact, in the context of globalization, a new model of social community has emerged – a transnational migrant. Despite specific ethno-cultural identities, transnational communities have common interests and needs generated by migration motivation. For example, they are all interested in the freedom to cross the borders of national States.

2.The basis for the emergence of Diaspora communities is ethnic migration. Ethnic migrants are interested not only in displacement but also in a long-term settlement in the receiving country. But immigrants are constantly faced with a dilemma to one degree or another: successful adaptation (integration) or separation (ethnic and cultural isolation, and maybe return to their historical homeland).

Since in the context of globalization ethnic migration is characterized by dispersion of ethnic groups not in one, but at least in several countries, the formation of Diasporas leads to ethnic and cultural diversity in host societies creates problems of preserving the identity of both former immigrants and old-timers. Thus, without the study of transnationality, it is impossible to understand and resolve the problems that arise in the functioning of Diasporas in modern societies.

G. Schaeffer also draws attention to the relevance of problems related to the transnational nature of modern diasporas. He notes that diasporas are increasingly influencing the situation in their places of residence, as well as reaching the regional and international levels of decision-making in all parts of the world. However, in this area of research, according to G. Scheffer, there are still many white spots, and one of them is the political aspects of the functioning of diasporas, the TRANS – state networks and communication systems created by them that cross the borders of releasing and receiving societies, as well as the political weight and political loyalty of Diaspora groups (Sheffer, 2003).

Communities not threatened with extinction, emphasizes G. Schaeffer. On the contrary, in the context of globalization, new immigrant communities are likely to emerge in various States, and the number of old ones will increase. Accordingly, we should expect the strengthening of Diaspora organizations, and cross-border support networks, and the increasing politicization of the leaders and ordinary members of the Diaspora will

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contribute to more active participation in the cultural, economic and political life of their host societies" (Sheffer, 2003).

Thus, the discussion in the scientific community on the definition of the concept of" Diaspora " clarified the positions of researchers and demonstrated how great the differences between them in the understanding of such a complex and ambiguous socio-cultural phenomenon. Evidence of this is the lack of a common definition of the concept of "Diaspora". Meanwhile, the need for such a definition is quite acute, not only theoretical but also practical. As the process of diasporization is deepening and taking on new forms, and the role of diasporas and their influence is increasing, the receiving countries face the need to develop and implement special policies towards these new ethnic and cultural entities. But such a policy is unlikely to be effective if there is no clear definition of the "subject" to which it is directed.

It should also be noted that the growing process of turning diasporas into transnational networks is making significant adjustments to the researchers ' understanding of the essential characteristics of the Diaspora and, as a result, its definition. Therefore, it seems that the discussion currently underway in the scientific community on all these issues will undoubtedly continue, and the Diaspora theme in the near future will not only not lose its importance, but, on the contrary, will become even more relevant.

References

(2017). Retrieved February 5, 2019, from Trends in International Migrant Stock: The 2017 Revision: https://www.un.org/en/development/desa/population/migration/data/estimates2/docs/MigrationStockDocumentation_2017.pdf

Armstrong, J. (1976). Mobilized and proletarian diasporas. American political science review, 70(2), 393-408. Brubaker, R. (2005). The "diaspora" diaspora. Ethnic and racial studies, 28, 1-19.

Cohen, R. (2008). Global Diasporas. New York.

International Migration Report 2017 . (2017). Retrieved February 3, 2019, from https://www.un.org/en/development/desa/population/migration/publications/migrationreport/docs/MigrationReport2017_Highlights.p df

Kim, A. (2009). Ethnopolitical study of contemporary Diasporas (conflictology aspect). St.Petersburg. Mendikulova, G. M. (1997). Istoricheskie sud,by kazakhskoi diaspory. Proishozhdenie i razvitie. Almaty. Sheffer, G. (2003). Diaspora in world politics. In The Diaspora (pp. 162-184).

История парламентаризма Казахстана

«ИСТОРИЯ ПАРЛАМЕНТАРИЗМА В КАЗАХСТАНЕ»

Башенов Д.Ш.

магистрант 2 курса

cпециальностb 6М020300 – История КазНу им.аль-Фараби

Научный руководитель к.и.н., доц. Мийманбаева Ф.Н.

Впериод становления независимости Казахстана в 1990-е годы был заложен фундамент института парламента нового в то время государства. За основу был принят опыт европейских парламентов. Принцип парламентаризма начал формироваться после обретения независимости Республики в 1991 г. Существовавший в советское время Верховный совет Казахской ССР играл роль представительской власти, однако был нерегулярным. В эпоху перестройки, когда появились свободные общественные институты и зародилась гласность, самую значительную роль сыграл Верховный совет РК 12 созыва (1990-1993 гг.). Именно ему было суждено принять правовые акты, положившие основу строительства суверенной казахстанской государственности – Декларацию о государственном суверенитете Казахской ССР, конституционный закон «О государственной независимости Республики Казахстан» и Первую Конституцию Республики Казахстан. Кроме того, этот Верховный совет в апреле 1990 года впервые ввел пост Президента республики и избрал таковым Нурсултана Назарбаева.

Отправной точкой в генезисе парламентаризма Казахстана стало принятие Конституции Верховным Советом 28 января 1993 года. С этим моментом связана череда определенных событий в становлении института парламента в Казахстане. Следует отметить, что в это время был упразднен Президиум Верховного Совета, а также депутаты впервые в истории Казахстана работали на постоянной основе, и численность их уменьшилось с 360 до 177 человек.

Вцелом Верховный Совет РК 13 созыва (1994-1995 гг.) был усовершенствован по многим позициям. В нем впервые появились депутатские фракции политических партий (Народный конгресс Казахстана, Социалистическая партия Казахстана), а также действовало около 14 депутатских групп. Отметим, что тогда проработав меньше года, Верховный Совет был признан неконституционным, в связи с тем, что Конституционный суд признал не соответствующими в Конституции РК некоторые

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акты избирательного законодательства, но, несмотря на свой короткий срок, Верховный Совет 13-го созыва заложил основу дальнейшего развития парламентаризма в Республике Казахстан.

Впервые понятие «Парламент» было официально закреплено в Конституции РК 1995 года, определив Парламент как высший представительный орган, осуществляющий законодательные функции, состоящий из 2-х палат: Сената и Мажилиса.

ВСенат депутаты стали избираться местными представительными органами (маслихатами) по 2 человека от каждой области, города республиканского значения и столицы, а 7 депутатов Сената назначались Президентом РК на срок полномочий Сената. В Мажилис депутаты избирались по одномандатным территориальным избирательным округам.

В1995 году состоялись выборы в двухпалатный Парламент РК. Полномочия Парламента РК І созыва начались с открытием І сессии 30 января 1996 года и завершились с началом работы І сессии Парламента ІІ созыва 30 ноября 1999 года.

В1998 г. были расширены полномочия Парламента по контролю над Правительством:

-были увеличены сроки полномочий Президента с 5 лет - до 7 лет, депутатов Мажилиса – до 5 лет, депутатов Сената – до 6 лет;

-введена смешанная мажоритарно-пропорциональная система выборов в Мажилис: политическим партиям предоставлено 10 мест для избрания по партийным спискам на основе пропорционального представительства, к распределению депутатских мандатов допускались политические партии, набравшие не меньше 7% голосов избирателей.

Очередные выборы в Мажилис Парламента РК прошли в 1999 году, 10 политических партий приняли участие в данных выборах, 67 депутатов были избраны по одномандатным округам. Председателем Мажилиса Парламента ІІ созыва был Ж. Туякбай.

10 мест, выделенных по общенациональному округу политическим партиям, преодолевшим 7% барьер, разделили 4 партии:

-РПП «Отан» - 6;

-Коммунистическая партия Казахстана – 2;

-Гражданская партия Казахстана – 1;

-Аграрная партия Казахстана 1.

III созыв состоялся в сентябре 2004 года - выборы в Мажилис Парламента РК, принимали участие 12 политическихпартийизних4 – всоставе2-хизбирательных блоков. ПоитогамвыбороввМажилис Парламента РК было избрано 77 депутатов, из них 67 депутатов были избраны по одномандатным территориальным избирательным округам. Из оставшихся 10 по партийным спискам 7 забрала партия Отан.

В 2006 году политические партии «Аграрная партия Казахстана», «Асар» и «Гражданская партия Казахстана» присоединились к партии «Отан», в результате слияния появилось партия – НДП "НурОтан". Таким образом произошло слияние пропрезидентских партий.

20 июня 2007 года Мажилис Парламента РК III созыва завершила свою деятельность, в связи с Указом Президента РК «О роспуске Мажилиса Парламента Республики Казахстан третьего созыва и назначении внеочередных выборов депутатов Мажилиса Парламента Республики Казахстан»

В августе 2007 года состоялись выборы в Мажилис Парламента РК IV созыва. После внесение изменений и дополнений в Конституцию РК Мажилис состоял из 107 депутатов, 98 депутатов были избраны по партийным спискам на основе всеобщего, равного и прямого избирательного права при тайном голосовании по единому общенациональному избирательному округу, а остальные депутаты были избраны от Ассамблеи народа Казахстана.

Принимало участие 7 политических партий, 7% барьер преодолела только партия «НурОтан», депутаты от которой получили все 98 мест в Мажилисе Парламента РК.

В январе 2012 года таким же образом был сформирован V созыв Мажилиса Парламента РК, в выборахпринималиучастие7 политическихпартий, уже3 изкоторыхпрошливМажилисПарламента.

-80,99% партия «НурОтан» - 83;

-7,47% Демократическая партия Казахстана «Ак жол» - 8;

-7,19% Коммунистическая народная партия Казахстана – 7.

20 марта 2016 года состоялись внеочередные выборы депутатов Мажилиса Парламента РК. По результатам выборы оказались аналогичны предыдущим, соответственно и VI созыв является по партийному составу почти 100% копией своего предшественника. Новому составу Парламента необходимо, было решить экономические задачи, ряд важных задач по законодательной работе (Единый налоговый и таможенный кодекс, Кодекс о недрах и недропользовании, изменения в законодательстве по вопросам электроэнергетики и др.), усилить межпартийное взаимодействие и

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добиться слаженной работы всех фракций, активное участие в международном межпарламентском сотрудничестве и т.д.

Основная задача нового состава Парламента – исполнение Плана нации «100 конкретных шагов» по реализации 5-ти институциональных реформ. Глава государства пошагово обозначил свое видение, как улучшить работу госаппарата, сделать его деятельность прозрачным и подотчетным, как обеспечить верховенство закона, экономический рост, сформировать нацию единого будущего. План нации – это согласованный алгоритм действий всех здоровых сил общества, его поэтапная реализация позволит выйти Казахстану на новый этап развития .

Парламент получил большие полномочия, а Правительство стало, более подотчетным законодательному органу, все это говорит в целом о повышении культуры исполнения законов.

История парламентаризма Казахстана несмотря на сравнительно малый отрезок времени насчитывает множество событий, требующих глубокого научного изучения. Не секрет, что сам парламентаризм в Казахстане, как сформированная система принципов государственного управления, находится в начале своего пути.

Таким образом, судьба института парламентаризма в Республике Казахстан оказалась весьма непредсказуемой и, как показала практика, в некоторые периоды его существования весьма драматичной. Однако, чередапозитивных конституционных реформвнесла своюлепту всовершенное развитие вышеуказанного института. Определенным новшеством для Республики Казахстан является внедрение в избирательную систему республики принципа представительства членов Ассамблеи народа Казахстана.

Хотелось бы констатировать и тот факт, что полномочия парламента расширились по отношению к исполнительной власти. Проводимые в последнее время конституционные реформы ознаменовали новый период развития института парламента в Республике Казахстан.

Литература

1Жотабаев Н. Становление казахстанского парламентаризма. Алматы: Жеті Жаргы,-2000.–240 с.

2Конституция Республики Казахстан (принята на республиканском референдуме 30-августа 1995г.) (с изм. и доп. по сост. на 10.03.2017г.)

3Конституционный закон Республики Казахстан от 16-октября 1995г. №2529 «О Парламенте Республики Казахстан и статусе его депутатов» (с изм. и доп. по сост. на 15.06.2017г.)

4Малиновский В.А. ЛИДЕР: президентская власть в Казахстане на рубеже эпох.-Астана,-2012.-С.328.

5Закон Республики Казахстан от 7-октября 1998г. №284-I «О внесении изменений и дополнений в Конституцию Республики Казахстан»

6Указ Президента Республики Казахстан от 20-июня 2007г. №350 «О роспуске Мажилиса Парламента Республики Казахстан Третьего созыва и назначении внеочередных выборов депутатов Мажилиса Парламента Республики Казахстан»

7Указ Президента Республики Казахстан от 16-ноября 2011г. №175 «О роспуске Мажилиса Парламента Республики Казахстан четвертого созыва и назначении внеочередных выборов депутатов Мажилиса Парламента Республики Казахстан»

8План нации-100 конкретных шагов по реализации пяти институциональных реформ Главы государства Нурсултана Назарбаева (май 2015г.)

ПЕДАГОГИЧЕСКИЕ ВЗГЛЯДЫ ЯНА КОМЕНСКОГО

Габитова Венера Асылбековна

Магистрант 1-курса специальности 6М011400-История КазНУ имени аль-Фараби

Научный руководитель: к.и.н., доцент Мырзабекова Р.С.

Всовременныхусловияхмодернизациипредметомпристальноговниманияобщества, государства, ученых разных областей науки становится сфера образования. В настоящее время наблюдается огромный интерес к опыту прошлого, имеющийся в обществе, через обращение к которому возможны усилия для разрешения новых возникающих проблем настоящего. Казахстан, занимая обширное евразийское пространство, как в прошлом, так и в настоящем является, по мнению многих исследователей, средоточием мощных цивилизационных процессов. На протяжении длительной истории жители степных просторов накопили богатый опыт в области обучения и воспитания подрастающегопоколения, выработалисвоеобразныеобычаиитрадиции, правила, нормыипринципы поведения, где особое место в духовной культуре народа занимает Человек.

Врамках нашего исследования, значение трудов Яна Амоса Коменского наиболее полно выявляются лишь в нашу эпоху, его педагогические идеи и вклад в образовательное пространство является неотъемлемой частью развития образования. Ян Амос Коменский, чешский мыслитель-

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гуманист, философ, выдающийся педагог, создал стройную педагогическую систему, прогрессивную по своему содержанию и актуальную до сих пор.

Коменский обосновал демократическую и гуманистическую идею всеобщего, общечеловеческого воспитания, которая на протяжении не одного века была и остается «путеводной» в отстаивании всеобщего образования как неотъемлемого права каждого человека.

Педагогическая система Коменского - это «строгая» педагогика, она предполагает отношение к воспитанникукаксознательному, деятельному, ответственномувсвоихмысляхипоступкахсуществу, она утверждает идею педагогической деятельности как сложнейшего из всех искусств развития человеческого в человеке. Педагогическая система Коменского оптимистична, пронизана светом веры в возможности человека и возможности воспитания, в перспективы разумного человека, объединения «возвышенных, мужественных, великодушных людей».

Вискусстве развивать и возвышать духовность человека Коменский стремился к формированию нравственности и благочестия, непрестанной духовной жизни и практической деятельности человека: «Добродетели учатся, постоянно осуществляя честное» [1].

Коменский полагал, что необходимо с детства вырабатывать положительные нравственные качества (справедливость, умеренность, настойчивость в труде и др.). Важную роль в нравственном воспитании он отводил примеру взрослых, систематическому приучению детей к полезной деятельности и к выполнению правил поведения. Он советовал развивать у детей скромность, послушание, благожелательность к другим людям, опрятность и аккуратность, вежливость, почтительность к старшим, трудолюбие. «Из числа нравственных добродетелей особенно настойчиво должен педагог рекомендовать и внедрять путем упражнений способность переносить труды, больше того, стремление к ним; ибо, достигнув этого, воспитанники будут иметь великое сокровище для жизни» [2].

Одно из самых значительных мест в нравственном воспитании детей Коменский отводил семье, роли матери и отца. Школа, воспитатели, проповедники, считал он, могут лишь развить и некоторым образом направить воспитание детей в нужное русло, но основное умонастроение личности рождается все-таки в семье.

Вобщем, педагогическую систему Коменского можно представить как гуманистическую модель педагогического процесса, целью которого является ценностно-направленное и целостное развитие природных сил и способностей растущего человека.

Результат педагогического процесса - достигнутый воспитанником уровень его личностного индивидуального развития, включая самосознание, потребности и способности к дальнейшему саморазвитию, самообразованию, самовоспитанию. Эта модель органически вписывается в современные поиски гуманизации школы, что свидетельствует об универсальности педагогических открытий Коменского.

Коменский высоко поднял традиции гуманистического движения, неисчерпаемого оптимизма и большой любви к человеку. В своих произведениях Я. А. Коменский чрезвычайно выразительно очертилпрогрессивныедлясвоеговременитребованиявобластиобразованияивоспитания, изобразил идею народоправства и равенства.

Новыеидеи ипрактикуобученияЯ. А. Коменскийгениальносинтезировал, создавпедагогическую систему, которая была новым, высшим этапом в развитии педагогической науки, итогом и теоретическим обоснованием положительного опыта свое время.

Наиболее интересным для современной педагогики является разработанный. Я. А. Коменским принцип природосообразности. Этот принцип в его системе является методологическим. На необходимость учитывать в процессе воспитания на законы приироды указывали еще философы древнегомира(Демокрит,. Аристотель,. Квинтилиан). Однакоэтаидеянеполучиларазвитиядовремен эпохи Возрождения. Я. А. Коменский предлагает новую школу, где обучение и воспитание будет согласованосприродойвцеломисвозрастнымиособенностямидетей, гдебудутвоспитыватьсяновые люди, которые потом построят новую жизнь. Он не выделял человека из природы, а расценивал ее как часть природы, подчинял общим законам природы. Автор «Великой дидактики» заявляет, что человек создан добродетельной и ей от природы присущи стремление к знаниям, и поэтому задача воспитания

-всячески способствовать развитию этих качеств [3].

Я. А. Коменский на основе собственной педагогической практики пришел к выводам о необходимости учить «всех всего». Он остро критикует схоластическую школу за то, что она удовлетворяет потребности только богатых. Я. А. Коменский предлагает единую систему школ. Эта демократическая идея единой школы имела большое историческое значение. Для достижения этой

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